7. From Malachi to Matthew.

 
FOR two or three years the work of deliverance was vigorously carried on by Judas Maccabeus. Mount Zion was fortified, and a garrison set; the Idumeans and Ammonites were fought against and defeated; many cities were taken, much spoil was captured, and the dispersed of the people were gathered into their own land. In these exploits Judas and his brother Jonathan took command of the army which acted on the east side of the Jordan, while Simon led another force into Galilee. On one or two occasions disaster overtook sections of the Jewish troops, which were led by men with more zeal than discretion, but on the whole the Jews were successful, especially when led by the Maccabean brothers. 1
We need not follow Judas in all the excursions which he made, but we must refer to the fourth year of his leadership (B.C.163), when peril again threatened the people. Antiochus Epiphanes had been succeeded by his son Antiochus Eupater, a boy nine years of age, under the guardianship of Lysias, the old opponent of the Jews. Another attempt was made by Lysias to overthrow Judas, and when the armies met, the Jewish troops―far inferior in every way to the Syrian forces―were compelled to retreat on Jerusalem. In this fight, Eleazar, the brother of Judas, was slain. From the immense size and splendid trappings of an elephant in the Syrian ranks, he drew the mistaken inference that it was the king’s beast, and thought to deliver his people and to win an immortal name for himself by accomplishing the death of the king. Cutting his way through the opposing ranks, he got under the elephant, and thrust his spear into its belly. The beast fell, and crushed Eleazar by its weight. But no good resulted from this self-sacrifice— it was a life thrown away; the effect of the loss of so valiant a man being rather to discourage the Jews.2
As above mentioned, the Jews retreated to Jerusalem, and the king laid siege to the city. A famine threatened the besieged, but fortunately the attention of the besiegers was diverted by rumors from their own land, to the effect that Philip (a rival of Lysias, who had been appointed by the late Antiochus to the oversight of his dominions) had returned from Persia, and was endeavoring to gather the reins of government into his own hands. Thereupon a peace was concluded by the Syrians with the Jews, and was confirmed by the king’s oath. But when, upon the basis of this truce, the king was admitted into the city, and saw the strength of the defenses, he, regardless of his oath, commanded the walls to be destroyed, which was done. The Syrian forces then returned to Antiochia, and the rebellion under Philip was put down. 3
The apostate high-priest, Menelaus, had accompanied this expedition, and upon its failure, Lysias represented to the king that he had been the cause of all the mischief, and at his instigation he was slain. The country was well rid of him; but unfortunately the high-priesthood was given to Alcimus, who was in every way as bad as the late priest.4
In the following year (B.C. 162) Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopater and nephew of Antiochus Epiphanes, appeared upon the scene. He had been held a hostage at Rome, but having escaped from thence to Tripolis in Syria, he represented that he had been deputed by the Roman Senate to take possession of the Syrian kingdom, then reigned over by his cousin, Antiochus Eupater. On the strength of this, many came over to him. The king and his minister Lysias, were both captured and put to death, and Demetrius ascended the throne, assuming the surname “Soter,” Saviour. Alcimus, the Jewish high priest, approached him with a present of a crown of gold and other gifts, and was confirmed by the king in his priesthood. The slanders of this priest (an enemy to his own land) incensed the king against Judas, and command was given to Nicanor, the old foe of the Maccabees, to slay Judas and to scatter his followers. But Nicanor was familiar with the prowess and abilities of Judas, and seems to have respected him. He went so far against his instructions that, instead of attempting war, he settled articles of peace with Judas―a condition of things so repugnant to the desires of Alcimus that he accused Nicanor to the king, and in the result, urgent commands were sent that the original plans should be carried out. Judas discovered the turn which affairs had taken, and prepared for his part in the strife. The opposing forces pitched at Bethhoron and Adasa; they fought; Nicanor was slain, and his head was carried in triumph to Jerusalem, as Goliath’s had been. The Syrian host was routed, and retired, and “thus,” says the ancient chronicler, “the land of Judah was in rest a little while.” 5
In the interval of peace Judas cast wistful eyes towards that great western power, the Roman, which was taking its place as mistress of the nations, and longed for an alliance with it. From a religious standpoint this was undoubtedly wrong. The faith of earlier years, which had counted on the living God, seemed to be ebbing—the faith in which the huge armies of Apollonius and Nicanor had been met and overcome. Even politically it was an error, for the tendency of such alliances is towards the absorption of the smaller contracting power into the larger. Nevertheless the negotiations were successful; a treaty of offense and defense was settled; but before letters from the Senate could be delivered to Demetrius, warning him against further injustice towards their “friends and confederates, the Jews,” Judas earl fallen! For when Dim of the defeat of his arms in Judaea, he had sent again under Bacchides and Alcimus a force of 22,000 men. As for the Jews, they numbered a feeble 3000! Somehow heart failed them: Judas himself was troubled; his men begged him to retreat, and upon his refusal the bulk of them deserted. The remaining handful of troops engaged in the conflict, but after a sore battle was defeated, and Judas was numbered with the slain.6
So nobly passed away one of the most interesting figures in Jewish history. “He had been a man of valor and a great warrior,” says the historian of the Jews; “and had undergone all difficulties, both in doing and suffering, for the liberty of his countrymen. He left behind him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining freedom for his nation, and delivering them from slavery under the Macedonians. 7
With the death of Judas (B.C. 161) other troubles began to afflict the Jews; the “Syrian party” among them made attempts to restore the Syrian sway; a great famine distressed the people, and in much perplexity many came to Jonathan, the brother of Judas, and besought him to take the leadership into his hands. He consented, and with marked ability took Judas’ place. Seeing that active operations were impossible, he withdrew with his few forces into the wilderness of Tekoa, and succeeded by skillful maneuvering in wearying out Bacchides’ troops, who soughs in vain to take him. 8
Upon the death of Alcimus (B.C. 160), who wrought all the evil he could against his own people and land, another brief respite was granted to the Jews. At the end of two years, however, Bacchides led a second fruitless expedition into Judaea. He was defeated by Jonathan, and terms of peace were ultimately settled between the opposing leaders. 9
A little later, circumstances arose which greatly favored the Jewish people. It will be remembered that Demetrius Soter obtained possession of the Syrian throne by falsely claiming the authority of the Roman Senate. His successful tactics found a successful imitator. In the year 153 B.C. another claimant appeared. A former favorite of Antiochus Epiphanes had, for his own ambitious ends, instructed a youth of mean birth, named Balas, to play the part of that king’s son.10 The help of Rome was sought, and, though the Senate clearly saw through the imposture, it answered their purpose (especially as Demetrius had offended them) to sanction the claims of Balas, and they made a decree in his favor. Assuming the name, “Alexander,” Balas raised forces, and sailed to Ptolemais, in Palestine, where numbers received him. Demetrius set himself upon his defense. It was important to both sides to secure, if possible, the alliance of Jonathan, and first of all Demetrius sent “loving words,” to him begging his friendship, and returning certain prisoners of war held by him. When Alexander heard of this, he sought to win Jonathan to his side, and addressed to him a letter, constituting him high priest. With the letter was sent a present of the crown of gold and purple robe of an ethnarch, or independent prince.11 Not to be outdone, Demetrius made still further offers, granting freedom from taxes and tributes, and many other advantages. But Jonathan and the Jews had little faith in Demetrius’s overtures, so they espoused the cause of Alexander, and, acting upon the latter’s offer, Jonathan solemnly assumed the high priestly garments at the Feast of Tabernacles in the year 153. 12
The opposing armies of Alexander and Demetrius met and fought, success at first fluctuating between either side. Ultimately, Demetrius was defeated, and fled, but in the retreat his horse was entangled in a bog, and the hapless king became a mere target for the fatal darts of his pursuers.13 There was now no obstacle to the full recognition of Alexander as king of Syria, and as such he entered into an alliance with Ptolemy of Egypt, who gave his daughter to him as wife.14
Jr.
 
1. Macc. 5:7-61; Josephus, Ant. 12. 8:1-6
2. Ant. 12. 9.:2-4; 1 Macc. 6:43-47
3. 1 Macc. 6:48-63
4. Macc. 8:5; Ant. 12. 9:7
5. Macc. 7.; Ant. 12. 10:1-5
6. 1 Macc. 8. 9:1-8; Ant. 12. 10:6; 1, 2
7. Ant. 12. 11:2
8. Ant. 13. 1:1-3
9. Ant. 13. 1:5, 6.
10. Both Josephus (Ant. 13. 2.) and the writer of 1 Macc. (ch. 10. 1) admit the claims of Balas, but it is clear that these are not independent witnesses, and the weight of testimony is against those claims. (Westcott: Dict. Bid. 3:45, s.v. Alex. Balas; Prideaux, Connection, ii. 244.
11. Maclear, Bib. Ed. 3:86
12. Ant., 13. 2:1-3.
13. Ibid., 4
14. Ibid., 4. 1.