(Suggested Reading: Chapter 25:1-22)
The Governor who replaces Felix is Festus. He leaves Caesarea, the seat of Roman rule, and makes a State visit to Jerusalem. The Jews seize the opportunity to brief him on that pest—Paul. Having done this, they ask him to send Paul to Jerusalem. The underlying reason for this, that they plan to ambush and assassinate him, is not, of course, revealed to Festus. The request is on fairer representations—a trial for Paul by the Sanhedrin. Here the justice for which the Romans are noted shines through. Festus knows nothing of Paul and has been unfavorably informed of him by the Jews. Furthermore, he has come to Jerusalem to ingratiate himself with his new subjects if possible. But he refuses to compromise Roman principles, that a man should have a fair trial. “Let them therefore” said he “which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him.” What a testimony against the Jews when a pagan governor displays more practical righteousness than they. Truly if “the light that is in thee be darkness, how great is that darkness” —Mat. 6:23. This saying of the Lord’s means that if men (or nations), favored with the light of God, turn away from that light, the ensuing darkness is greater than if the light had never shone on them. So it is here, and throughout the Acts, with the Jews.
The Jews lose no time. Festus stays ten days at Jerusalem. Then on the day following his return to Caesarea he commands Paul to be brought before him and we find the Jews swarming around him like bees with “many and grievous complaints,” which they cannot prove. As for Paul he affirms that “neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the Temple, nor against Caesar1 have I offended in anything.”
At this point Festus is guilty of a miscarriage of justice, although he is a nobler man than his predecessor Felix. Willing to do the Jews a favour, he asks Paul if he will consent to renounce the protection of his Roman citizenship and go up to Jerusalem, and be tried by the Sanhedrin in his presence. Festus knows Paul is innocent of civil crimes and the charges against him are theological in nature, which he cannot resolve. He has nothing against Paul personally but will not scruple about turning him over to his enemies for political expediency. It must not be thought that Festus is more guilty than other Roman governors. The fatal flaw in Roman justice is the willingness to sacrifice a guiltless individual if exonerating him will have political consequences. Their human reasoning is that the end justifies the means—see what the Bible says about this in Rom. 3:88And not rather, (as we be slanderously reported, and as some affirm that we say,) Let us do evil, that good may come? whose damnation is just. (Romans 3:8). They are striving for peace. If an individual disturbs the peace it seems of less account in their eyes that he should suffer, guilty or not, than that the army should be called out to quell a riot and occasion great bloodshed. Pilate, another Roman governor, had similarly found Christ guiltless and washed his hands. But he finally released Him to the mob to appease them and end the tumult, as he thought.
Paul sees Festus’ motives clearly, and in a courteous but firm way virtually censures him. He knows too that apart from what Festus is suggesting, he cannot travel to Jerusalem in safety. Only a large escort of Roman soldiers had saved him for assassination on the road from Jerusalem to Caesarea. He suspects what we are told in verse 3, and Festus has not volunteered to provide a military escort for the return trip. So Paul replies “I am standing before the judgment seat of Caesar, where I ought to be judged.” What Paul means by this is that at this very moment he stands before Caesar’s judgment seat which Festus occupies as Caesar’s official representative. Paul, as a Roman citizen, ought to be judged there now. He has been imprisoned long enough on trumped up charges.
His rights as a Roman citizen should not be abrogated by releasing him to the Jews who have no jurisdiction over him. He has done no wrong to the Jews as Festus very well knows, a stinging but truthful statement. If he has committed a crime worthy of death, he will accept death without complaint, “but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me to them.” With such words he reminds Festus of the rights of a Roman citizen to freedom from being tried other than in Roman courts. Since Festus has not defended his rights, he will remove himself from his jurisdiction by appealing to the Emperor. This he does by the words “I appeal to Caesar.” This is the most jealously guarded privilege of a Roman citizen. An appeal to Caesar, the Roman Emperor, sets aside the judgments of provincial magistrates, if successful. And Caesar is the Supreme Court. On hearing these words Festus retires, and confers with his counsellors to make sure Paul has the right of appeal. Men caught red-handed in criminal acts, for example, cannot appeal. His counsellors assure him that Paul’s appeal is valid. So Festus reappears and says to Paul “have you appealed to Caesar? To Caesar shall you go.” Festus must breathe a sigh of relief at the prospect of losing a prisoner whose case takes him into uncharted waters, and is involving him in controversy with his new subjects. Only one matter remains, however. He has to prepare a brief for Caesar, stating the charges against Paul. He sees clearly that these charges are theological in nature, yet he knows nothing of the religion of the Jews. But God sees to it that he shall be adequately informed by arranging a visit to him at Caesarea of King Agrippa and Bernice.
King Agrippa and Bernice
Just as Scripture commands believers to respect dignitaries and pay honor to whom honor is due, so it applies these principles to the men and women whose lives it records. Candace, for example, is given the title of respect “Queen of the Ethiopians.” But Bernice is only mentioned by name. She is living in sin with her natural brother Agrippa. She first married her uncle and, on his death, established her incestuous relationship with her brother Agrippa. To avoid public indignation, she persuaded Polemon the king of Cilicia to marry her. When he abandoned her, she returned to her brother. Then at Rome she became the mistress of two Roman Emperors—Vespasian and Titus, who were father and son. Titus wanted to marry her, but the Roman people frowned on the proposed union. Juvenal, one of their poets, linked her behavior with the profession of Judaism as being typical of the moral standards of that religion, thus verifying the Apostle Paul’s words “for the Name of God is blasphemed among the Gentiles through you” —Rom. 2:2424For the name of God is blasphemed among the Gentiles through you, as it is written. (Romans 2:24). By thus linking Scripture to the history of the times we obtain a clearer picture of the corruption in high places. This helps us better understand what Paul faced in his public ministry. In his testimony to kings he witnesses to those who not only ruled over corruption, but in corruption.
The Visit of King Agrippa
King Agrippa and Bernice tarry “many days” in Caesarea, and as we might expect Agrippa visits the Roman governor socially. On one such occasion Festus confides in Agrippa. He recounts the story of Paul, whose case has not been disposed of by his predecessor. He relates how the Jews want Paul to die but to his astonishment they accuse him of nothing of consequence, in Roman eyes. He is charged only with matters concerning their own superstition and of one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul claimed was alive.2 Their hearts, if any, are harder than when they were grieved “that they taught the people, and preached through Jesus the resurrection from the dead” —4:2. As for Festus, “he doubted of such manner of questions”. Perhaps the Jewish Sanhedrin can resolve them better, he suggests to Agrippa, but then Paul insists instead on appealing to Augustus, so that he is still in custody.
An explanation would be helpful here on Festus’ reference to the reigning Emperor or Caesar as Augustus. “Caesar” is the household name of the Emperor which Luke invariably uses to describe him. “Augustus” however, is a title with a pagan connotation. The Roman Senate gave this title to Octavian Caesar the first Emperor, who was long since dead, Nero being the Emperor in Paul’s day. The term Augustus speaks of majesty and by implication the divine honors due to the Emperor with such a title. This title “Augustus” was passed down from Emperor to Emperor after the first one with one exception, just as British kings did with the title “Defender of the Faith” after Henry VIII. This then is the sense in which Festus uses the term—not merely that Paul has appealed to the Emperor as the Supreme Court but to the man who is the god-Emperor. Festus uses still another term with an idolatrous connotation to describe the Emperor in Verse 26— “my lord.” This is connected with paying divine worship to the Emperor. These two titles give us a vivid insight into the times. The custom of paying divine honors to the Emperor was about this time fairly prevalent throughout the Roman world. Not full blown yet, but fast developing, it was this degrading practice which brought Christianity into open conflict with the Empire and precipitated frightful persecutions later.
Paul’s case poses a real problem to Festus. How is he to prepare a report to Caesar on matters he does not understand? Agrippa’s curiosity is aroused, however, and he expresses a wish to hear Paul. This is what Festus has been hoping for. He knows that Agrippa is intimately versed in the religion of the Jews and so can weigh the problem for him.3 Festus tells Agrippa that he will hear Paul tomorrow.
Before we go further it would be well to get our whole subject in perspective. We need to know why Luke writes about Paul’s captivity in such detail when it is generally agreed that this period is spiritually barren. The reason is that it is an aftermath to the spirit filled ministry of Peter and Paul in the beginning. As such it stands all by itself as a separate division of the Book of Acts. This statement can be verified by a glance at the “many days” chart in this book. Clearly, the Holy Spirit has divided Acts into the ministry of Peter, the ministry of Paul, and the captivity.
The ministry of Peter and Paul is the original witness of the Holy Spirit in primitive Christianity. “The Captivity” is the wreckage man made of that work once it was put into his hands for administration that is, after the Apostles. The Peter and Paul “many days” then, speak of the work of the Spirit; the captivity “many days” of the work of the flesh.
In “the captivity” section of Acts Christianity is personalized in Paul. The story of his trials and captivity by all men is the story of the turning away from Paul’s life and example in the beginning of things. This actually occurred during his lifetime as the Scriptures testify. The story of his shipwreck is the story of what happened to his work the Church from ignoring his doctrine after he was gone. Paul’s life and work were disregarded, and wrecked, respectively, by all classes of men the Jew, the Gentile, and the Church of God. The ruin of the Church’s testimony in the world produced what man likes to call “the dark ages” a term coined by Baronius, the great historian of the Church of Rome.4
When Israel sinned, God punished them with a bodily captivity because the Jews are an earthly people; when the Church sinned God punished it with a spiritual captivity because Christians are a heavenly people. The children of Israel were carried away captive to Babylon; the Church to Babylon the Great, in whom is found “the souls of men” Rev. 17:1313These have one mind, and shall give their power and strength unto the beast. (Revelation 17:13).